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U.S.-India: An Era of Convergence

We have entered an Era of Convergence in the U.S.-India relationship, especially in the past three-and-a-half years.

US President Joe Biden with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and their respective delegations after the Bilateral meeting in Delaware on Sept. 21, 2024. / PMO India

Over the last 25 years, the U.S.-India relationship has seen progress that was unimaginable only a few decades ago.  For too long — from the mid-60s to the late 90s — our recent history was not one of cooperation.  But as Prime Minister Modi has rightfully pointed out, we have now overcome those hesitations of history.  How was that possible?

The progress was driven by a change of policies in both capitals that took real leadership and creativity in key sectors like energy, security, and trade.  We faced collective threats to the post-World War II order that spurred much of our new alignment and renewed cooperation.  

At the core was the hard work of millions of people who pulled our countries closer together, including those who took significant risk to immigrate and start over, a route that led to some now four-and-a-half million Americans of Indian descent contributing to every facet of American life.  

We have entered an Era of Convergence in the U.S.-India relationship, especially in the past three-and-a-half years.  Convergence on how we work together; convergence on how our countries assess shared global threats and opportunities; and convergence on how our people live and work together.

We may not agree on everything, but we can do even more together.  This is an era that now has solid foundations and a bright path ahead.

Just look at our cooperation in emerging science and technology.  People often ask me, “why does the State Department, as part of our Modernization Agenda, have a new cyber bureau, a new global health bureau, and new, far-reaching efforts on climate diplomacy, mineral security, and supply chain reliability?”  

The reason is simple.  Our world is changing rapidly; the dramatic advances in technology have launched incredible gains in human progress, and yes, significant risks too.  

We need to work together on clean energy acceleration, vaccine development, and securing critical mineral supply chains, to name a few.  Diplomacy is key, along with our work with allies and partners, especially with India.

The United States and India will continue to develop the architecture of the Indo-Pacific and multilateral institutions to deliver greater peace and prosperity for people in the region and the world.  

Our focus on the Indo-Pacific is understandable.  Two-thirds of the world’s population and future economic output in the decade ahead will take place from India to Australia and everywhere in between.  The region has an incredible youth dividend, and by 2030, India will lead in the world in key categories, like having the largest middle class and college graduates.

Still, threats to the rules-based order and democracy are real and present.  We must use all tools at our disposal to defend the gains made in the past decades.  This includes supporting our established configurations like the Quad but also doubling down in multilateral institutions like ASEAN, APEC, and, of course, the UN.  It is why just last week, U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas Greenfield again called for India to have a permanent seat on a reformed UN Security Council.  

Growing cooperation on defense and trade will undoubtedly also continue to be a core vector in the partnership.  Both are on very solid footing, but we have more work to do.  Continued export control reform, movement to greater defense integration and co-production, and increasing our intelligence sharing and maritime domain and space cooperation are all key to enhancing security in the years ahead.  We are on that course today.  

On the economics and commercial side, we must work towards transparent, fair, and open regulatory processes, where businesses are welcomed on a level playing field, thereby creating jobs and solving the issues that matter for the people in both countries.

Last, but most important, is less about government strategic aims and more about the need to support people.  Ultimately, people are at the heart of this relationship.  People-to-people ties have propelled this relationship forward and we must continue to lift them up.  

It is why the United States is opening new consulates in India and why we have worked so hard to reduce wait times and visa backlogs.

It is why we have doubled down on our cooperation in arts, sports, culture, women’s empowerment, and so much more. 

It is why the student experience for Indians studying in the United States is vital to us, and we strive to make that better and easier each year.  

And it is why the immigrant experience is such a powerful part of this relationship, built and facilitated by the shared values of our two populations.  

Some might say I have painted too rosy a picture of our work together and the road ahead.  Yet, I am clear-eyed about the challenges we face, and there are many. 

I am concerned about increasing Russia-China collaboration, especially in the security sphere.  This partnership could aid Russia in its unlawful war against Ukraine.

Conversely, I am concerned of Russia’s assistance, which provides China new capabilities that directly challenge Indo-Pacific security.  

I am mindful of the need to continue to support our collective civil societies to ensure that every voice is heard and supported, with the freedom to speak out.

It is our shared values and the commitment to inclusive, pluralistic, democracies that bind us together in special ways.  So long as we are not complacent and do not take the recent gains of the past quarter century for granted, our years ahead can be even better, stronger, and more impactful.  

That is what President Biden, Vice President Harris, Secretary Blinken, and so many others have been working towards.

This Era of Convergence will – and must – continue.
 

The author is the United States Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources and former US Ambassador to India.

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of New India Abroad)

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